Mothers. In their meta-analysis, Leaper and colleagues [7] found that mothers used more supportive speech with daughters than with sons, with greater effects for older than younger children. They also found a negligible effect for mothers’ use of directive speech (i.e., slightly more with girls than with boys). Both meta-analyses are cited broadly, but they were not without limitations [7], [37]. First, both meta-analyses did not disentangle child gender effects on parenting from effects of temperament or gender-specific behavioral differences, probably because too few studies included pertinent data. Second, the Lytton and Romney meta-analysis [8] has been criticized for using categories of socialization behaviors that were too broad [37], and combining constructs that were too divergent. However, choosing a construct that is too specific harbors the risk of ending up with only a few studies on AM152MedChemExpress AM152 fathers, as was the problem in the Leaper, Anderson, and Sanders meta-analysis [7]. Third, both meta-analyses did not include psychological control. To our knowledge the literature on psychological control has not yet been systematically reviewed with regard to the differential use of psychological control with boys and girls. Some recent observation studies have found similar results as the meta-analyses, with parents using more sensitive or autonomy-supportive strategies with girls than with boys (e.g., [38], [39]) and more harsh or controlling strategies with boys than with girls (e.g., [39], [40]). These findings indicate a tendency for controlling strategies (i.e., focused on dominance, negativity, and power) to be used preferably with boys, and autonomy-supportive strategies (i.e., focused on warmth, affiliation, and interpersonal closeness) to be used more with girls. However, there is also a large number of recent studies that does not find evidence for parents’ gender-differentiated use of control (e.g.,[41], [42], [43], [44]). Additionally, some studies even show that parents use more autonomy-supportive strategies with boys than with girls (e.g., [45], [46]), and are more controlling of girls than of boys (e.g., [46], [47]). The evidence with regard to parents’ differential use of psychological control is especially inconsistent, indicating that parental psychological control is higher among boys than girls [29], [48], or that there are no gender differences in the use of psychological control [49].Factors Related to Gender-Differentiated ParentingObservational context. An important question with regard to the magnitude of gender differences in parental control is whether this difference is context-specific. In the meta-analysis by Leaper et all [7] less structured and more naturalistic situations and activities yielded the greatest gender differences. Leaper and colleagues suggest that this might be due to the fact that in highly structured situations the demand characteristics of the task will lead to a smaller range of possible behaviors, which minimizes naturally occurring differences in parenting and child behavior. In the TAK-385 supplier current meta-analysis, we expected the naturalistic context n which parent and child are allowed to behave as they would normally do o yield the greatest gender differences because it is the least structured situation, followed by free play, followed by more structured tasks such as problem-solving tasks, and discipline tasks (e.g., “Clean up”, “Don’t touch”, delay of gratification)[50]. The distinction between.Mothers. In their meta-analysis, Leaper and colleagues [7] found that mothers used more supportive speech with daughters than with sons, with greater effects for older than younger children. They also found a negligible effect for mothers’ use of directive speech (i.e., slightly more with girls than with boys). Both meta-analyses are cited broadly, but they were not without limitations [7], [37]. First, both meta-analyses did not disentangle child gender effects on parenting from effects of temperament or gender-specific behavioral differences, probably because too few studies included pertinent data. Second, the Lytton and Romney meta-analysis [8] has been criticized for using categories of socialization behaviors that were too broad [37], and combining constructs that were too divergent. However, choosing a construct that is too specific harbors the risk of ending up with only a few studies on fathers, as was the problem in the Leaper, Anderson, and Sanders meta-analysis [7]. Third, both meta-analyses did not include psychological control. To our knowledge the literature on psychological control has not yet been systematically reviewed with regard to the differential use of psychological control with boys and girls. Some recent observation studies have found similar results as the meta-analyses, with parents using more sensitive or autonomy-supportive strategies with girls than with boys (e.g., [38], [39]) and more harsh or controlling strategies with boys than with girls (e.g., [39], [40]). These findings indicate a tendency for controlling strategies (i.e., focused on dominance, negativity, and power) to be used preferably with boys, and autonomy-supportive strategies (i.e., focused on warmth, affiliation, and interpersonal closeness) to be used more with girls. However, there is also a large number of recent studies that does not find evidence for parents’ gender-differentiated use of control (e.g.,[41], [42], [43], [44]). Additionally, some studies even show that parents use more autonomy-supportive strategies with boys than with girls (e.g., [45], [46]), and are more controlling of girls than of boys (e.g., [46], [47]). The evidence with regard to parents’ differential use of psychological control is especially inconsistent, indicating that parental psychological control is higher among boys than girls [29], [48], or that there are no gender differences in the use of psychological control [49].Factors Related to Gender-Differentiated ParentingObservational context. An important question with regard to the magnitude of gender differences in parental control is whether this difference is context-specific. In the meta-analysis by Leaper et all [7] less structured and more naturalistic situations and activities yielded the greatest gender differences. Leaper and colleagues suggest that this might be due to the fact that in highly structured situations the demand characteristics of the task will lead to a smaller range of possible behaviors, which minimizes naturally occurring differences in parenting and child behavior. In the current meta-analysis, we expected the naturalistic context n which parent and child are allowed to behave as they would normally do o yield the greatest gender differences because it is the least structured situation, followed by free play, followed by more structured tasks such as problem-solving tasks, and discipline tasks (e.g., “Clean up”, “Don’t touch”, delay of gratification)[50]. The distinction between.